Τετάρτη 18 Απριλίου 2012

ΕΠ'ΑΟΡΙΣΤΟΝ ΑΠΕΡΓΙΑ ΠΕΙΝΑΣ ΚΟΥΡΔΩΝ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΩΝ ΚΡΑΤΟΥΜΕΝΩΝ ΣΤΙΣ ΦΥΛΑΚΕΣ ΤΗΣ ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑΣ - ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΕΣ ΓΙΑ ΤΟΝ Α. ΟΤΣΑΛΑΝ

Απεργία πείνας επ’ αόριστον και χωρίς επιστροφή
Λευτεριά στον Οτσαλάν για τη λύση του Κουρδικού ζητήματος
Να παρέμβει αμέσως η ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή για τη Πρόληψη των Βασανιστηρίων

Από τη 1 Μαρτίου ξεκίνησε στις τουρκικές φυλακές μια μεγάλη απεργία πείνας, στην οποία συμμετέχουν σήμερα 400 φυλακισμένοι Κούρδοι αγωνιστές.

Συμπαραστεκόμενοι στη μεγάλη αυτή αγωνιστική εκδήλωση, 15 Κούρδοι αγωνιστές έχουν ξεκινήσει από τη 1 Μαρτίου απεργία πείνας στο Στρασβούργο.
Η αγωνιστική αυτή εκδήλωση μετατράπηκε τώρα σε επ’ αόριστον και αμετάκλητη απεργία πείνας, ως αποτέλεσμα της πολιτικής άρνησης του Κουρδικού λαού από την τουρκική κυβέρνηση. Μεταξύ των απεργών πείνας υπάρχουν δυο εκλεγμένοι βουλευτές του Κόμματος Ειρήνης και Δημοκρατίας (BDP).

Από το 2009, με τους νόμους για τη καταπολέμηση της τρομοκρατίας, εξαπολύθηκε ένα κύμα συλλήψεων μελών και στελεχών των κουρδικών πολιτικών κομμάτων, και φυλακίστηκαν βουλευτές, δήμαρχοι, συγγραφείς, δημοσιογράφοι, αγωνιστές των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων, δικηγόροι, συνδικαλιστές και φοιτητές. Συνολικά φυλακίστηκαν πάνω από 6000 άνθρωποι.

Οι συνομιλίες ανάμεσα στο πρόεδρο Οτσαλάν και στο τουρκικό κράτος δεν είχαν κανένα απολύτως αποτέλεσμα και σταμάτησαν το 2006. Όμως ο πρόεδρος Οτσαλάν είναι ο μόνος εκπρόσωπος του Κουρδικού λαού και η συνεχιζόμενη επτάμηνη απομόνωση του δείχνει πως η Τουρκία απομακρύνεται από το δρόμο της ειρήνης και προχωρεί σε μια επικίνδυνη κατάσταση.

Οι Κούρδοι αγωνιστές έκαναν πρόσφατα μια μεγάλη πορεία από τη Γενεύη στο Στρασβούργο, μέσα σε θερμοκρασίες πλην 20 βαθμών. Στο τέλος της πορείας έγινε στο Στρασβούργο μια μεγάλη συγκέντρωση 60 χιλιάδων κόσμου, με σύνθημα «Λευτεριά στον Οτσαλάν, αναγνώριση του Κουρδιστάν». Παρ’ όλα αυτά, οι αγώνες του Κουρδικού λαού και των φίλων του δεν έχουν ακόμη ευαισθητοποιήσει τη κοινή γνώμη για τη κατάσταση στο Κουρδιστάν. Η εκκωφαντική σιωπή της διεθνούς κοινότητας αναγκάζει τους Κούρδους αγωνιστές να αναλάβουν μέσα και έξω από τις φυλακές αυτή την απεργία πείνας επ' αόριστον και χωρίς επιστροφή, για να ευαισθητοποιήσουν και να προτρέψουν σε δράση για το Κουρδιστάν.

Α ι τ ή μ α τα τ ω ν α π ε ρ γ ώ ν π ε ί ν α ς

1. Το Συμβούλιο της Ευρώπης και οι χώρες-μέλη να εξασφαλίσουν το συντομότερο την υγεία και την ασφάλεια του προέδρου Οτσαλάν, που κινδυνεύουν σοβαρά.

2. Να καταργηθεί η αυστηρή απομόνωση του Οτσαλάν, που προκαλεί ακραία ανησυχία και μπορεί να γίνει αιτία για μεγάλο πόλεμο και αμέτρητους θανάτους. Να δημιουργηθεί επειγόντως ένα περιβάλλον στο οποίο ο Οτσαλάν να μπορεί να συναντάται με τους δικηγόρους του.

3. Να αναληφθούν ενέργειες για την απελευθέρωση του Οτσαλάν και μια ειρηνική λύση του Κουρδικού ζητήματος, κυρίως από το Συμβούλιο της Ευρώπης και τους διεθνείς οργανισμούς.

4. Να παρατηρείται το τουρκικό κράτος από το Συμβούλιο της Ευρώπης, σχετικά με τις συνεχιζόμενες βίαιες και καταπιεστικές πολιτικές εναντίον του Κουρδικού λαού, και να παγώσει η ένταξη της Τουρκίας αν αυτή δεν αναλάβει ενέργειες προς μια αλλαγή πολιτικής.

5. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και τα κράτη-μέλη να εγκαταλείψουν τη μέχρι σήμερα στάση τους, δηλαδή την υποστήριξη της τουρκικής πολιτικής άρνησης και βίας. Να χρησιμοποιήσουν την επιρροή τους για μια δίκαιη και ειρηνική επίλυση του Κουρδικού ζητήματος. Ως πρώτο βήμα γι' αυτό πρέπει να είναι η αφαίρεση του απελευθερωτικού Κουρδικού κινήματος από το κατάλογο των οργανώσεων που θεωρούνται τρομοκρατικές, και στον οποίο κατάλογο έχει μπει άδικα.

6. Λύση του Κουρδικού ζητήματος μέσω μιας δημοκρατικής και πολιτικής οδού, επείγουσα δημιουργία ενός περιβάλλοντος όπου ο Οτσαλάν να διεξάγει πολιτική, και η συμμετοχή των διεθνών οργανισμών και θεσμών στην επίτευξη αυτού του στόχου.

7. Ενεργός συνεργασία και υποστήριξη της διεθνούς κοινής γνώμης και των διεθνών οργανισμών στον αγώνα του Κουρδικού λαού για δημοκρατία, ελευθερία και ειρήνη.

Ο Κουρδικός λαός κραυγάζει: Θέλουμε δικαιοσύνη. Θέλουμε να ζούμε ελεύθεροι στη χώρα μας, όπως όλοι οι άλλοι λαοί. Ζητούμε να ακουστεί η φωνή μας.

Περαιτέρω πληροφορίες :

http://kurdishfreedom.wordpress.com/

http://www.freedom-for-ocalan.com/

http://www.firatnews.eu/

Λευκωσία 12.4.2012

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Information File on
INDEFINITE KURDISH HUNGER STRIKE
Freedom for Ocalan – Political status for Kurdistan
1 March 2012
Contents:
 Introductory Letter
 European Hunger Strikers’ Press Release
 Information on Abdullah Öcalan’s Condition
 Selma Irmak’s Letter
 ANF’s News on the Hunger Strikers in Turkish Prisons
 MP on hunger strike: “We are entering a critical stage that will determinate
the future of our people”
 Selahattın Demirtaş’s Letter Regarding the KCK Operations
 Information on the Roboski Massacre
For Further Information:
http://kurdishfreedom.wordpress.com/
http://www.freedom-for-ocalan.com/
http://www.firatnews.eu
KON-KURD Adress: 41 Rue Jean Stas 1060 Bruxelles/Belgium, Tel: +32 2 647 99 53, BE58 001162523879 kod.
GEBABEBB Fortisbank Bruxelles Konto Nr: 001-1625238-73, E-mail: info@kon-kurd.org, web: www.kon-kurd.org
Introductory Letter
Dear Ladies and Gentlemen’s
We would like to inform you of the hunger strikes that were started by Kurdish political
prisoners in Turkey’s prisons which have consequently spread among the Kurdish people.
With this letter we are hoping to present to you the reasons and developments that have led to
such a course of action.
A hunger strike started by the 8000 Kurdish politicians imprisoned in Turkey has now turned
into an indefinite-irreversible hunger strike as a result of the complete disregard of the protest
by the Turkish government. The first group of indefinite hunger strikers began their strike on
the 20th of January 2012 to coincide with the 13th anniversary of Abdullah Ocalan’s handing over to Turkey as a result of an international conspiracy. Among the 400 strikers there are two
elected MPs of the BDP, Selma Irmak and Faysal Sariyildiz and as of the 28th of February
BDP’s Urfa MP Ibrahim Ayhan.
If in a country hundreds of people, including elected politicians, are starving themselves to
raise awareness against persecution then that country requires closer inspection. The political
authority by choosing to approach Turkey’s most important issue with violence and elimination rather than dialogue and negotiation is pushing the whole country into a dark
future. The AKP government is quashing anything in the name of peace, democracy and
freedom with an all out concept of war. In only the last few months unlawfully administered
cross-border military operations have resulted in the deaths of 41 civilians; chemical weapons
have been deployed against the guerilla forces and deaths on both sides have risen. According
to the BDP’s co-chair Selahattin Demirtas’ statement on the 17th of February, since 2009, in
accordance with the countries anti-terror laws the operations against Kurdish politicians have
seamlessly continued. Among the imprisoned are Members of Parliament, Mayors, local
councilors, writers, journalists, human rights activists, representatives of non-governmental
organizations, lawyers, trade unionists and students. All in all a total number of over 6000
people have been put in prison.
Negotiations that had started in 2006 between the Kurdish people’s leader Mr. Abdullah
Ocalan and the Turkish state did not lead to any positive steps being taken by the state and
were consequently ceased in July 2011 by the AKP government. Since this date, an intensified policy of isolation has been applied to Mr. Ocalan and the 5 other inmates at the
island prison of Imrali. Mr. Ocalan is a significant actor in the Kurdish question. The government’s complete disregard of this fact is evident in its 7 month long isolation of Mr.
Ocalan. This course of action is distancing Turkey from the road to peace and day by day is
moving the country towards a dangerous time. We, the Kurdish people, are seriously
concerned for Mr. Ocalan’s health.
The Western powers that jump around and hassle over even the smallest developments in the
Middle East play death and dumb when it comes to the Kurdish people. Even relevant
international organizations turn a blind eye to developments. Although the CPT is the only
organization that can visit the prison of Imrali, they have not taken any steps to appease the
worries of the Kurdish people. This is why the Kurdish people, whether imprisoned or outside, are starving themselves – till death if necessary – so that awareness can be raised and action can be taken.
The Kurdish people living in Europe undertook a long march between Geneva and Strasbourg in freezing temperatures of -20 degrees under the title of ‘Freedom to Ocalan – status to
Kurdistan’ to raise awareness of the plight of the Kurdish people. After the march a huge demonstration attended by 60.000 people was carried out in Strasbourg. Due to the urgency and significance of the problem in hand an indefinite-irreversible hunger strike will be carried
out in Strasbourg, the location of the European Council.
The European institutions and public must not remain indifferent to these developments. Our expectations of the European and democratic public domain is that they no longer be bystanders to the plight of the Kurdish people and help in finding a fair and just solution to
the Kurdish question.
The Kurds are screaming: We want justice. We want the freedom of our Leader Ocalan and all political prisoners. We want a just solution to the Kurdish question using democratic
means and practices. We want to live freely in our country just like all other peoples.
PLEASE HEAR OUR CALL AND OUR VOICES.
Please lend an ear to the calls of the people who are putting their lives on the line for
peace and resolution.
KON-KURD
European Hunger Strikers’ Press Release
TO THE PUBLIC
Those who closely know Turkey can, with reason, clarify that the most fundamental issue of
Turkey is the Kurdish Issue. If an issue is not correctly identified, then any developed
‘solution’ will accomplish nothing further than cause more damage. The Kurdish Issue is not
a terror issue as it has been persistently tried to be portrayed.
Kurds have been living a life of war for the past 40 years. Kurds, as one of the oldest nations
in history, have been living a life that is divided by Persian, Arab and Turkish states, and still
deprived of freedom. It is a nation, whose rights for using their language, culture and
traditions have been taken away in the ‘democracy and freedom age’ that we currently live in.
Speaking or writing in Kurdish is still now allowed in Syria, Iran and Turkey. The Kurds that
live within the borders of these countries still do not hold a political status as a nation.
Within these countries, Turkish state implements a special and a more systematic repression.
The Turkish state persistently tries to portray an issue regarding approximately 40 million
Kurds as an issue of terror, oppressing anything that stands for peace, democracy and
freedoms to try and declare a whole nation as terrorists. It is due to this approach that the
highest amount of people placed in prisons due to terror allegations is in Turkey. Especially
within the last three years approximately 9 thousand people, amongst whom were 6 members
of parliament, 31 mayors, 96 journalists, 36 lawyers, 183 party managers, unionists, civil
rights activists, women and students, have been imprisoned. More than 2000 children, known
by the public as ‘stone throwing kids’, are in prisons.
In addition to these political operations, in the operations carried out within the last few
months and against international laws, 41 civilians have been killed, chemical weapons have
been used against the guerrilla forces and number of losses on both sides has increased.
The European Union and United States of America are responsible for the implementation of
these state terrors towards the Kurdish people by the Turkish government. This responsibility
is not just an inspection and control responsibility. Because, USA and EU provide military,
political, economic and diplomatic support in this war the Turkish state wages against the
Kurdish people.
USA provides Turkey with its unmanned aerial vehicles (Heron) and its most sophisticated
technic equipment for intelligence. With foremost being France and Germany, the European
nations are supporting the terror of the Turkish state by being silent in the face of obvious
massacres. Whilst Europe does not voice the bombing and massacre of 34 Kurdish villagers
by Turkish combat aircraft on 28th December 2011, USA made a statement saying ‘we stand
where the Turkish state stands’.
The aim of the aggression concept that the Turkish state has been trying to put in practice for
the last five-six months is to neutralise the freedom struggle and the legitimate resistance right
of the Kurdish people. Within this frame, the foremost is the implementation of heavy
isolation against Kurdish peoples’ leader Abdullah Ocalan. Ocalan is recognised as the
political representative by a large margin of the Kurdish people. Due to this, Kurds observe
their fate as if it is connected to the fate of Ocalan and treat his captivity as their captivity and
his freedom as their freedom. The isolation against Ocalan continues with the support that the
Turkish government obtains from the European Union and the European Commission. Ocalan
has not been allowed to meet with his solicitors since 27th July 2011. 39 lawyers of Ocalan
have been arrested and imprisoned for being Ocalan’s lawyers. During this process meeting
with their families is also obstructed.
Up until the past year, although dialogues and negotiations between Ocalan and the state had
reached a specific level, the procedures deadlocked as the required steps were not taken by the
state. The interrupted negotiations left their place to war and violent policies. Mr Ocalan is
not an ordinary prisoner. With foremost being the United States of America, both USA and
Europe are directly responsible for both the pirate-like kidnapping of Ocalan from Kenya with
his hand-over to Turkey on 15th February 1999 and the Imrali system in which he is currently
imprisoned. It is well known that Imrali is directly under the control of the European Council.
European Council and its affiliates, although interlocutors of the fears of the Kurdish people
stemming due to the state terror implemented in Kurdistan and the7 month long heavy
isolation against Ocalan, have shown by not carrying out their responsibilities even at a
minimum level that they have a biased attitude.
Against all these deprecating and unjust practices, the Kurds insist on living with a free, fair
and equal status. The foremost and essential condition for this is the immediate cessation of
the unlawful and discretionary isolation of Mr Ocalan, on behalf of the Kurdish people, holds
a key role in finding a solution for the Kurdish issue and who leads negotiations on these
bases with the Turkish state. Kurdish people have serious concerns about the health and safety
of Ocalan. For this reason, political prisoners in 400 prisons have initiated an indefinite
hunger strike, with tens of thousands of Kurds supporting this from the outside.
As a group of Kurds who have taken Democracy and Freedom to heart, we have, as of 1st
March 2012 Thursday at 12.00pm, to stop the military policies against the Kurdish people and
the political genocide policies and to end the ongoing destruction and assimilation policies,
with our demand being ‘Freedom to Mr Abdullah Ocalan – Status to Kurdistan’, started our
INDEFINITE HUNGER STRIKE.
DEMANDS:
1 – Elimination of existing fears about Ocalan’s health and safety issue, which has
escalated to a severe extent, as quickly as possible by the European Council and its
affiliates.
2 – Elimination of the strict isolation of Ocalan, which causes extreme discomfort to the
Kurdish people and which may also become the reason and cause for a great war and
countless deaths, and the urgent creation of an environment in which Ocalan can meet
with his lawyers.
3 – Attempts towards freedom for Ocalan and a peaceful solution to the Kurdish issue
by foremost the European Council and international institutions.
4 – Monitoring of the Turkish state by the European Council, regarding the ongoing
oppressive and violent policies against the Kurdish people, and the freezing of Turkey’s
membership if no action towards a policy change occurs.
5 – The European Union and European states to abandon the attitudes which up till now
and still supports Turkey’s violence and denial policies and to utilise their influence for
a fair and peaceful resolution to the Kurdish Issue. As a first and initial step for this, the
removal of the Kurdish Freedom Movement from the Terror Lists in which it has been
unjustly placed.
6 – The solution of the Kurdish Issue via democratic and political channels and the
urgent creation of an environment for Mr Ocalan to conduct politics, and the
involvement of international agencies and institutes to achieve this aim.
7 – Active cooperation and support of democratic international public and agencies for
Kurdish peoples’ democracy, freedom and peace struggle.
Abdullah Öcalan between isolation and negotiations
The arbitrary regime on Imrali Island, the European Guantanamo
In 1999 Abdullah Öcalan was abducted from Kenya and brought to Turkey. Ever since, he has been kept in an
isolation prison on Imrali Island. For almost eleven years he was the only prisoner, guarded by more than 1000
soldiers. He has been sentenced to death in a trial that was deemed "unfair" by the European Court of Human
Rights. The sentence was later commuted to "aggravated life sentence" without the possibility of parole.
The inhumane isolation conditions on Imrali Island have sparked wide criticism by international human rights
institutions. Council of Europe's anti-torture watchdog CPT has produced an unprecedented number of reports
on Imrali Island Prison, more than on any other detention facility ever. CPT criticises heavily the isolation
conditions that Abdullah Öcalan and the five other prisoners are kept in.
After more than two years of negotiations between Öcalan and the Turkish government about a political solution
to the Kurdish question, the total isolation has been renewed. Since July 2011 there has been no contact with the
prisoners on Imrali Island.
Imprisonment conditions
The island
Imrali Island is located in the Sea of Marmara between the Bosporus and the Dardanelles, on the border between
Europe and Asia. Imrali has been used as a prison island for a long time. In 1961, the first freely elected prime
minister of Turkey, Adnan Menderes, was executed on the island after a military coup. The famous film director
Yilmaz Güney was also once imprisoned here. The whole island has been declared a prohibited area. The passage
by boat is long and exhausting for visitors.
The prison
The prison that Abdullah Öcalan and five other prisoners are currently held in was built in 2009. All cells are
solitary confinement cells. Every prisoner has a separate yard for yard exercise. The walls around these small yards
are extremely high, giving the prisoner the impression of being at the ground of a well.
Isolation and arbitrariness
Long term isolation and solitary confinement are designed to break prisoners psychologically and physically. It is
therefore regarded as "white torture".
During eleven years as the only prisoner on Imrali Island, Öcalan was not allowed to touch anyone. Even
handshakes were forbidden. He still cannot receive letters from the outside world. He is the only prisoner in
Turkey without access to television and telephone at all.
Öcalan can only receive visits from his siblings for 30 minutes per month and consult his lawyers for at most an
hour per week. However these consultations are often blocked by the state and sometimes do not take place for
months, resulting in a total isolation of Imrali Island. This fact especially has been criticised heavily by the CPT.
The prison regime of Imrali Island is guided by arbitrariness in many ways. Consultation between lawyer and
client are overheard and recorded regularly without a legal basis.
Implementations like these have earned Imrali Island Prison the title "European Guantanamo".
The current situation
Isolation – a continued human rights violation
Right now, in March 2012, it has been more than seven months that the prisoners on Imrali Island have been
completely isolated from the outside world. More than seven months have passed without a visit, without a
letter, without a phonecall. This is the longest period of total isolation during the 13 years that Imrali Island has
served as a "maximum security prison".
At the same time it became known that for the past five years there had been intensive contacts between the
Turkish government and Öcalan. A series of talks had been conducted. These negotiations had even lead up to a
written draft agreement which the government then refused to implement. Instead the Erdoğan government
changed its strategy and started an all-out attack on the Kurdish opposition.
Deprivation of the right to defence
Defending Öcalan has always been a difficult task. His lawyers have been harassed and threatened for a long
time. They faced numerous law suits and many were banned from the case according to a new law. Numerous
applications to the European Court of Human Rights are pending because of the imprisonment conditions.
In November 2011 several law offices were raided by the police. The files of the ongoing ECHR cases were
confiscated. 36 lawyers that represented Öcalan were arrested in an attempt to deprive him of the right to legal
defence, a crucial right for a state under the rule of law. The lawyers are still in prison awaiting trial.
The political dimension
The ongoing isolation of Abdullah Öcalan is a serious human rights violation. But it is more than "just" a human
rights issue. It has some serious political implications.
Öcalan is the most high-profile Kurdish politician in Turkey. More than 3,5 Millions Kurds have signed a
declaration recognising him as a political representative. In Kurdistan and Turkey, everybody knows that a
political solution to the Kurdish issue has to be negotiated with him. Since 1999, every government of Turkey
has recognised this fact and led talks with Abdullah Öcalan on Imrali Island—although no government admitted
this until 2010. The latest talks between the Erdoğan government and Öcalan started in 2009 and lasted for two
and a half years.
To close the doors of dialogue means to open up the gates of violence. When the government broke off the talks
in mid-2011, prime minister Erdoğan hoped to crush the Kurdish opposition with new mass arrests of politicians
and with military operations. This has already lead to massacres like the killing of 35 civilians in Roboskî/Sirnak
by Turkish aerial bombardment. A new spiral of violence and counterviolence may be imminent.
The government strategy of violence and tension is leading nowhere. It almost certainly brings more fighting and
bloodshed. The only alternative to violence is dialogue. Öcalan has proven that he is ready and able to lead such a
dialogue.
Letter from BDP MP Mrs. Selma Irmak
Foto: Selma Irmak
My Very Precious Co-Presidents,
My Dear Friends,
I greet you with love and longing. I embrace you with hope.
We will soon finish the third year of our separation. We have lived and watched this
breathtaking process from the prison; our hearts pounding against iron fences. We
experienced a lot. History will become witness to our experience. Just like you, we are
struggling to come out clean from this test, which historical circumstances has subjected us to,
for the sake of our people. We appreciate and support the work you carry out wholeheartedly
and zealously. We derive our strength from watching you; sometimes with a smile on our face
and other times with our hearts twisted. There is no doubt that these are difficult times. All of
us are obliged to work hard and do our best. Certain moments in history necessitate quick
action. Otherwise opportunities to turn defeat into victory, loss into gain will be missed. We
are going through exactly such a moment when every event and development must be
measured and evaluated with the sensitivity of an alchemist; so that the next movement can be
planned carefully and executed successfully .
The stage we are in is one where the distance to reach our goal of democracy and peace has
become smallest and as such any deviation from the right path makes an uttermost impact.
We must handle everything with the subtlety of an artist. Unfortunately however, the
government and the state – which is no longer different from the former in meaning and
intention – is acting as irresponsible and destructive as an elephant in a glass cave. The
attitude we are witnessing today on the part of the government is the kind performed by those
who have power without having sovereignty. Hence, there is little doubt that the current
recklessness of the government is caused by powers on whom it relies and by whom its back
is caressed, thereby leading it to the pit of death.
We, as those who feel the hand of history on their shoulders, must bring this attitude to an
end. A positivist outlook which feeds of from stereotypical judgments and which would
provide stereotypical solutions will not do. Those who think that small fish will be eaten by
the big fish are those who do not recognize the power of resistance. As you already expressed,
submitting oneself to the actions of the powerful will only make us loose. Unfortunately, we
have long been lingered by those in power. We don’t have any time to loose. We must slowly,
systematically and modestly build our democratic autonomy without bringing what we do in
conflict with what we say.
My Dear Friends,
I strongly wish I were with you in these times. To watch all that’s happening with hands tied
or rather handcuffed is the worst that such times can do to a human being. That’s what
captivity means.
Otherwise, to those who have free minds and hearts; the fences of the prison or, spatial
limitation means nothing. On the other hand, those who serve freedom and democracy with
their lives and ideas always land one time or another in prison. In other words, democracy is
reached through the prison.
The Kurdish question has reached a point where only a democratic process based on dialogue
and negotiation can bring peace and solution. We are aware that this will be a long and
delicate process. Our people has been demanding a democratic solution for the last thirty
years. To fulfill their demand is both easy and difficult. A democratic solution can only be
reached through a dialogue with Honorable Mr. Öcalan. Every peace process needs its actors.
The person who assumed the leadership of our people is Honorable Mr. Öcalan; therefore he
is the only person who can talk in the name of our people and must be the main actor. As
elected officials and politicians of our people we are ready to fulfill our role in this process,
take any risks and put our lives at stake. I am as concerned as you are because of the
interruption of the peace process and of negotiations with Mr.Öcalan accompanied by his
unprecedented forced isolation, which keeps him outside of the political realm. I am deeply
worried that -what we call- the concept of political genocide towards the Kurds implemented
through mass arrests, assassinations, massacres, verbal and material violence will lead to
more hostility against them and will cause our two people to fight against each other.
Repression, fear, violation of rights and prevention of freedom of expression, reckless insults
and irresponsible speeches on the part of government and the state are planting seeds of anger
among the Kurdish youth as well. There are so many examples for such unacceptable attitude
such as the congratulating speech of the prime minister following the Roboski massacre or,
that of the interior minister declaring he can find no Kurdish problem or, that of the Chief of
Military commenting on the Kurdish mother tongue. All our municipalities have been
attacked; our NGO workers, politicians, municipal workers, mayors, students and children are
being arrested. No human being can have a good sleep under such conditions.
My Precious Co-Presidents,
As a person who was elected by the honorable and willful people of Şırnak and, as a woman
moved by what is happening all around, I can no longer remain a passive bystander in this
process. Since I have been robbed from all instruments and means of expression, I am obliged
to use my body as a site for communication. I wish I were able to discuss and contemplate
with all of you before taking this decision. However, circumstances don’t allow this. I want
you to know that my heart is always with you. The history of this prison in Diyarbakır
imposes on us to play a leadership role in resistance. I must confess that I am very excited and
happy at this moment knowing that I am able to fulfill at least to some extent my obligation to
my people.
I take this opportunity to declare that on the 15th of February, we are starting a hunger strike
without interruption and rotation together with Hacire Özdemir, Fadik Bayram, Ayşe Irmak,
Leyla Deniz, Pınar Işık and Dirayet Taşdemir. We are inspired by how before us this prison
succeeded in resisting and overcoming the darkness of the 1980 military junta. We –as the
women of the Diyarbakır dungeon –wish to tear apart the darkness of February 15, which
symbolizes Honorable Mr Öcalan’s forced isolation and his exclusion from the political
realm. We want to add our voice to the voice of our people. We want to meet you on your
path to democratic resistance.
We hope we will succeed. With all our hearts Love and Greetings to all of you from all of us
With Hopes to meet you in days to come filled with peace and freedom.
Selma Irmak
February 15, 2012
Diyarbakir Prison
ANF’s News on the Hunger Strikers in Turkish Prisons
400 Kurdish Political Prisoners on Hunger Strike
On 15 February 2012 political prisoners went on an indefinite and non-alternate hunger
strike in prisons of Turkey and Kurdistan. Among the 169 prisoners starting the hunger
strike in Diyarbakır D and E-Type Prisons, Mardin E-Type Prison, Elbistan E-Type
Prison and Bitlis E-Type Prison are also Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) Şırnak MPs
Selma Irmak and Faysal Sarıyıldız. They demand freedom for Kurdish people’s leader
Öcalan, assurance of education in mother language and an end to political and military
operations against the Kurdish people.
Diyarbakır D Tipi Prison (62 prisoners on hunger strike):
Lütfi Dağ, Özgür Yıldırım, Sinan Kaplan, Nadir Yıldırım, Nihat Varlı, Mirhan Göktaş,
Mahsum Akbaş, Murat Yıldeniz, Müstafa Türkan, Umut Özer, Sıddık Çete, Serdar Ziriğ,
Ahmet Çelen, Ali Ekinci, Aykut Eroğlu, Recep Güler, Ercan Sezgin,
Tuncay Ok, Enver Özkartal, Mehmet Ermiş, Mahir Birgül, İlyas Efe, Yücel Çelik, Ramazan
Malçok, Saffet Durmaz, Serhat Keskin, Necmetin Kaçar, A. Kemal Türk, Mikail Çağrıcı,
Savaş Aslan, Hekim Denli, Talat Uçar, İsmail Öndeş, Erdal Işık, Ömer Atlı, Mustafa Kaplan,
Diyar Kaydu, Emrah Ubiç, Ulaş Telsaç, Murat Kozat, Ali Kurt, Ömer Sipek, Mehmet Aksu,
Maşallah Özmen, Şafi Kayhan, Aslan Demir, Çetin Atlan, Mazlum Timuçin, Ufuk Fidan,
Mehmet Taş, Bülent Buluç, Müslüm Tıkız, İrfan Bozencir, Osman Kılıç, Ozan Alpkaya,
Selami Kızıl, Hüseyin Barsak, Cengiz Ünal, Murat Canşat, Salih İlem, Şerif Aslan, Yakup
Borukanlı
Diyarbakır E Tipi Prison (9):
BDP Şırnak MP Selma Irmak, Fadile Bayram,
Hacire Özdemir, Leyla Deniz, Ayşe Irmak,
Pınar Işık, Dirayet Taşdemir, Hanım Çeşme and
Emine Yılmaz.
Mardin E Tipi Prison (22):
BDP Şırnak MP Faysal Sarıyıldız, Ramazan
Aktaş, Musa Aslan, Gürhan Koyuncu, Mahmut
Balkaş, Toncay Gündoğan, Mesut Gökhan,
Behruz Akgül, Bekir Kılıçaslan, Aziz Bulut,
Mesut Kar, Ömer Kabul, Hayretin Alkan, Cahit
Sevim, Zerdeşt Oduncu, Burhan Gök, Mehmet Foto: Faysal Sariyildiz
Ali Güray, Ruşen Erdem, Bahar Cirasun, Asiye Atılgan, Fatma Uyar, Cemile Duman.
Batman M Tipi Kapalı Prison (15):
only the names of Mahsum Bilen, Şehmus Bülbül, İlhan Rengin, Resul Saçaklıdır and Ahmet
Çelik are known. They went on an
indefinite and non-alternate hunger strike
on 25 January 2012.
Siirt E Tipi Kapalı Prison (15):
10 male and 5 female PKK and PAJK
prisoners went on hunger strike. While
the names of the femal prisoners are
unknown, the names of the male
prisoners are İbrahim Akın, Ali
Temelkuran, Nusret Yıldırım, Mehmet
Şakar, İskan Yiğit, Muhammed Demir,
Foto: Ibrahim Ayhan Uğur Eren, Şefik Uçkan, Kasım Çelik and Abdurrahman Demir.
Bingöl M Tipi Kapalı Prison (14):
Bülent Buluç, Müslüm Tıkız, İrfan Bazencir, Osman Kılıç, Ozan Alpkaya, Selami Kızıl,
Hüseyin Barsak, Cengiz Ünal, Murat Cansal, Salih İlem, Mehmet Şerif Aslan, Yakup
Borukanlı, Hanım Çeşme, Emin Yılmaz.
Malatya Prison (8):
only 4 names of prisoners on hunger strike are known: Nevzat İçen, Suat Daştan, Ramazan
Demir; Çetin İnsel.
Muş:
8 prisoners went on hunger strike, their names are not known. Tokat F Tipi Kapalı Prison (6):
In a letter sent from prison Süleyman Yıldırım, Hüseyin Misto, Erdal Daş, Abdullah Cin,
Hafzullah Kaçmaz and Havil Acar declared that they went on on an indefinite and nonalternate
hunger strike.
Elbistan E Tipi Prison (5):
Bedrettin Uzunboy, Salih Şimşek,
Hüseyin Çığ, Emin Mutlu and Hüseyin
Torunoğlu.
Bitlis E Tipi Prison (5):
Pelin Yılmaz, Ediba Ekmen, Ruken
Çelik, Ülkem Özkan and Şeyman
Kantarcı. Osmaniye F Tipi Kapalı
Prison (5): Emrah Özdemir, Mehmet
Akar, Mazlum Kapan, Ekrem Coşkun,
Feridun Kayacan.
Rize Kalkandere L Tipi Prison (5):
Ramazan Özelçi, Haşim İzol, Mahsun Karaman, Abdulmenaf Aslan and Kamuran Aytaç.
Kandıra 2 Nolu F Tipi Prison (5): Yakup Taş, Hakan Yalçınkaya, Maşallah Yağan, Necat
Saçı and Alattin Semir Zuğurlu.
Erzurum Oltu Prison (4):
The prisoners Mesut Yabalak, İzet Eren, Kaçak Demirci and Metin Serhat went on an
indefinite and non-alternate hunger strike on 20 January 2012. Their health situation is
deteriorating.
Antalya L Tipi Kapalı Prison (2):
Halit İnan and Mehmet Aslan Tekirdağ Prison (1): Adnan Titiz
Further political prisoners of the prisons in Gebze, Urfa, Adıyaman and Midyat declared
through communication with their relatives that they went on an indefinite and non-alternate
hunger strike.
(Source: ANF/Ceni)
MP on hunger strike: “We are entering a critical stage that will
determinate the future of our people”
24 February 2012
The current process is a warning to the government, said deputies.
Deputies of Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) and Labor, Democracy and Freedom Block
who have gone on a two-day hunger strike on 20 February to support those of jailed MPs
Selma Irmak and Faysal Sarıyıldız remarked that they were staging the act to let down the
AKP government‟s „concept of war and elimination‟. Speaking to DIHA about the act,
deputies of the BDP and the Block stated that the current process was a warning to the
government. Here are the statements of some deputies who support the hunger strike act of
political prisoners; BDP İstanbul MP Sebahat Tuncel: “The war strategy of the AKP
government has blocked the process of a peaceful solution to the Kurdish people. The AKP
government inherited the policy of destruction and assimilation but there is a need for a new
concept on the basis of equal and free citizenship of all peoples in Turkey. Our act is at the
same time a call to Turkey‟s opinion as we call on the people to not to remain insensitive to
the process for building a true freedom.” BDP Muş MP Demir Çelik: “The political
operations against the BDP and Kurdish institutions started as a result of the mentality of the
AKP government which has brought nothing but cruelty, pressure and violence on Turkey‟s
peoples who face fascism practices equal to those at Nazi period in Germany.”
BDP Ağrı MP Halil Aksoy: “It is not possible to remain insensitive to the developments in the
recent process which witnesses a great government insensitivity while military and political
operations have blocked all ways to democracy. The government needs to address this process
very well because people leave their bodies to death when there is nothing else left to do. This
process is a warning to the government who should start a process of dialogue and negotiation
with Abdullah Öcalan as the current conflict could deepen in the coming period.” BDP Bingöl
MP İdris Baluken: The process of a total elimination has reached the point of slaughter of
civilians, as we witnessed in Roboski massacre. Indefinite and non-alternate hunger strike acts
are staged in prisons in the face of all these events and we are staging this act to support our
comrades in prisons.” Hakkari MP Adil Kurt: “Kurds have experienced all kinds of cruelty in
the last 30 years but the current process is the most critical one as there is a potentially
dangerous process ahead of Turkey. We are staging this act because we want the coming
spring to lead to democracy and freedom.”
ANF/Amed
Information on the Roboski Massacre
THE MASSACRE OF VILLAGERS IN THE ORTASU (ROBOSKI)
VILLAGE OF SIRNAK, ULUDERE (QILEBAN)
On 28th December 2011 between 21:30-22:30, 35 civilians, 17 of them children, were killed
while returning from over the Iraq border of Sirnak’s Uludere province, Gulyazi (BUJEH)
and Ortasu (ROBOSKI) villages, by the bombardment of Turkish Armed Force’s war planes.
1 person was injured and two escaped unharmed in the attack.
The incident was broadcast by the Kurdish media on the same day. However the Turkish
media reported it only a day after and even then projected the incident as being an attack
against Kurdish guerrillas. State officials were silent in the face of the event for a long time
and only called it a ‘operational mistake’ following angry reaction by public opinion.
According to official statements the people crossing the border were identified as being
guerrillas by Heron’s (unmanned air-craft) and this information was passed on to the Chief of
Staff. However the source that passed on this information has not been revealed, even after
two months. The Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan thanked the Turkish Army in his first
statement regarding the incident. There has been no official apology to the Kurdish people for
this massacre and those responsible have not been revealed and brought to justice. A subcommission
has been formed in the Parliament’s Human Rights Commission, the (4 hour)
video of the incident has been viewed but an official statement has not yet been made. The
Peace and Democracy Party has carried the incident to the International Criminal Court, The
Hague and the UN.
Lastly the state has
attempted to cover-up
the incident by paying
the families ‘blood
money.’ The families
of the victims have
refused this and asked
for justice, both in the
statements they have
given to the press but
also in the protests they
have conducted.
The Human Rights
Association (IHD) of
Turkey has sent a
committee to the scene
of the incident and conducted an investigation. The results of this investigation were revealed
to public opinion on January 3rd 2012. The report contains important information.
The attack has violated the right to life of 35 people. The list of the victims determined after
autopsies and the information gathered by the committee are below.
1. Özcan UYSAL 30/12/1993 Şırnak/Uludere
2. Seyithan ENÇ 30/12/1993 Şırnak/Uludere
3. Cemal ENCU 1994 Şırnak/Uludere
4. Vedat ENCU 1994 Şırnak/Uludere
5. Selim ENCU 1973 Şırnak/Uludere
6. Selahattin ENCU 1995 Şırnak/Uludere
7. Nadir ALMA 1986 Şırnak/Uludere
8. Celal ENCU 1986 Şırnak/Uludere
9. Bilal ENCU
10. Şirvan ENCU 1992 Şırnak/Uludere
11. Nevzat ENCU 1992 Şırnak/Uludere
12. Salih ENCU 1993 Şırnak/Uludere
13. Osman KAPLAN 1980 Şırnak/Uludere
14. Mahsun ENCU 1994 Şırnak/Uludere
15. Muhammet ENCU 1998 Şırnak/Uludere
16. Hüsnü ENCU 1981 Şırnak/Uludere
17. Savaş ENCU 1997 Şırnak/Uludere
18. Erkan ENCU 1998 Şırnak/Uludere
19. Cihan ENCU 1992 Şırnak/Uludere
20. Fadıl ENCU 1991 Şırnak/Uludere
21. Şerafettin ENCU 1994 Şırnak/Uludere
22. Hamza ENCU 1990 Şırnak/Uludere
23. Aslan ENCU 1994 Şırnak/Uludere
24. M.Ali TOSUN 1987 Şırnak/Uludere
25. Şerafettin ENCU 1994 Şırnak/Uludere (same info as victim no.21)
26. Orhan ENCU 1992 Şırnak/Uludere
27. Salih ÜREK 1995 Şırnak/Uludere
28. Yüksel ÜREK 1995 Şırnak/Uludere
29. Adem ANT 1992 Şırnak/Uludere
30. Hüseyin ENCU 1991 Şırnak/Uludere
31. Bedran ENCU 1996 Şırnak/Uludere
32. Serhat ENCU 1995 Şırnak/Uludere
33. Şivan ENCU
34. Abdulselam ENCU Şırnak/Uludere
35. An arm and leg which could not be identified to a person.
It has been determined that:
 The civilians were well known by the security forces in the region, and that the
security forces were aware of the smuggling and forays to and from the border,
 From our own experiences and the statements made by witnesses and villagers that the
route used for smuggling was constantly in use and that this was known by everyone including security forces, and that this route was not a footpath but that there were pits on the route,
 Contrary to official statements the place of the incident was not near Sinat-Haftanin
but exactly on the border of Iraq-Turkey,
 No official organisations took the initiative to collect the corpses and assist the wounded and that some of the wounded died from blood loss and cold weather, and
that the villagers who went to collect the corpses encountered the soldiers that were
blocking the path (of the civilians) and that the soldiers left the scene of the incident,
and that the villagers brought the corpses back to the village of Gülyazı,
 The conditions of the hospital were not appropriate for conducting an autopsy, that the
corpses we posited into rooms arbitrarily, that relatives of the victims wrapped the
corpses in blankets, that the hospital personnel were insufficient in number, in fact
there were hardly any and that the corpses were carried to the autopsy and then funeral
cars by the relatives of the victims,
 The evidence which will be collected from the autopsies cannot, due to these
insufficient conditions, be collected appropriately and because of this there is a high
risk of tampering with evidence,
 The corpses seen by our committee at the hospital have burn marks, their organs have
spilled out, most of their skulls are shattered and the bodies mutilated,
 Very strong and flammable ammunition was used in the incident,
 No detainments and arrests have been made in regards to the suspects who carried out
the massacre,
 The incident took place exactly at the zero-point of the Turkey-Iraq border,
 The victims of the incident have been smuggling (oil, cigarettes, foodstuffs) and that
the police station has known of this for long years, and that in the past month the
police station were more lenient.
(Source: Human Rights Association (IHD) Report 3.1.2012)
As has been stated by the Human Rights Association above, the victims of this massacre were
civilians.
To investigate this massacre, the Human Rights Commission of Turkey’s Grand National
Assembly formed a sub-commission. The four parties that are in parliament elected MPs to
this commission; The Justice & Development Party (AKP) have 5 MPs, the Peoples’
Republican Party (CHP) have 2 MPs, the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) have 1 MP and
the Peace & Democracy Party (BDP) also have 1 MP. This commission watched the
recordings made by Heron and Predator aircraft and following this the CHP and BDP MPs
made statements to the press, saying that it was clear in the images that the people in the
recordings were civilians. However because the majority of the commission is made up of
AKP MPs the
commission has not to
this day made any official
statements regarding its
findings.
Statements made by the
police station commander
in the region to journalists
and members of the subcommission
also prove
that the order to attack
was received directly
from the Chief of Staff in
Ankara. ‘If they had
asked us we would have
told them that they were villagers says the commander. It is evident from the images taken by
the unmanned aircraft.’
The Turkey branch of Amnesty International sent the Justice Minister Sadullah Ergin a letter
about the Roboski massacre. Amnesty stated their anxiety and worries regarding the
investigation into the incident and requested for an independent, impartial and in-depth
investigation to be carried out. The letter also stated that a committee made up of civil society
representatives had visited the scene of the incident to carry out an investigation but were
prevented due to ‘security’ issues and asked the relevant authorities to make a statement
regarding why they had been prevented. Furthermore Amnesty also requested a statement
about why a decision of secrecy was placed on the investigation.
What must be comprehended now is not whether this was a premeditated massacre,
which it evidently is, but why it was carried out and by whom.
This massacre was willingly and knowingly instigated as a threat to the Kurdish people. The
Kurdish people have been struggling for their freedom for 33 years and are striving for a
democratic, peaceful and political solution to their just cause. Unfortunately the stance of the
Turkish state is and has always been to oppress and threaten the Kurdish people with similar
massacres.
The meaning of this is simple: if
you do not accept the official denial
and assimilation policies of the
Turkish state then you will be
eliminated.
We the Kurds, and the relatives of
the victims do not believe that the
Turkish state will uncover the
perpetrators of this massacre.
Therefore we are calling on
International organisations to
investigate and uncover the
perpetrators of the Roboski
massacre so they can be tried in
front of court of law.
Our Appeal,
1- This incident, because of its nature, is an extra-judicial killing and due to the number of
victims a ‘genocide.’
2- This incident is a continuation of the extra-judicial killings which have never been
investigated and have been on-going for years under the ‘fight against terror.’
3- These types of ‘dark’ actions are supported by the policies of violence implemented by the
Turkish state when addressing the Kurdish question, and this is why international
organisations such as the UN, EU, EC must impose pressure on the Turkish state and
government to change its policies to support a democratic and peaceful solution to the
Kurdish question.
4- This is also why national and international civil and democratic organisations must show
sensitivity and investigate the incident.
5- The UN, EC and EU’s human rights commissions must send delegations to the region to
investigate the incident.
60 days have passed since the massacre of 34 Kurdish civilians by F16 fighter jets and the
visit and ensuing attack against the local governor. During this time the murderers of the 34
civilians have neither been caught nor questioned. However the provocative visit of the
governor and the attack against him has made the Kurds a target once more. 5 people were
detained shortly after the attack against the governor, they are still in prison. These people are
the relatives of the massacred civilians. It is once again very clear that Turkish law is very
rapid when Kurds are in question. The murderers of 34 civilians have not been found but the
people who attacked the governor have been arrested and a list of 70 people who were
involved in the incident are still being hounded. Police are going to the doors of the victim’s
families every day and asking the whereabouts of those on the list. Below is the letter sent
from prison by one of the victims (Serhat Encü’s) brother Faruk Encü to his family.
My Dear Family;
I am writing this letter from Sirnak Prison and I miss all of you very much. I know that
you added my pain to my brothers’ pain, but don’t distress yourself. I will try to be fine,
if I can. We know that to be murdered and to be imprisoned is brought as the destiny and I live the destiny which is imposed to us, like my brothers. You are all very important for me. I wish my brothers who we were playing football together every night and who I love more than my spirit were here in prison, but not have been smashed in
pieces with the bombs. But unfortunately, the people who didn’t have their share of
humanity deemed death proper for my brothers and imprisonment for me. Sometimes
my massacred brothers and friends come in front of my eyes and when I wake up, I feel
alone very much. Sometimes I want to hang myself when the lights of the prison are
switched off. My brother Serhat, you promised me that we wouldn’t leave each other
alone and we would close our eyes together in this deceit world. Both of us couldn’t
keep the promise but I will keep mine. If I die, I wish my grave would be dug next to the
other 34 graves. I cannot accept the massacre of my brothers in this way. Sometimes I
imagine that they will enter form this Iron Gate and I expect every day, every hour that
they will ask me why I am crying. When I die, maybe I will get close to them and we will
play football in astro pitch. Like past, we would go to picnic and my brother Serhat
would throw me in the water and my brother Hamza would help me to get out of the
water, with smiling.
I want to call on you the people those have lost their humanity; you have stolen my
dreams in the name of what? The murderers of the Humanity, how you found this
torment proper to us and what you wanted form those youngsters and their dreams?
The people those talk about right, law and democracy, it is almost 50 days passed and
you couldn’t find the murderers, or else are you the murderers so that the responsible
people are not detected? The people those call themselves human: I ask for justice. I ask
for Justice. I ask for Justice.
Faruk Encu
From Sirnak Prison
1
Selahattın Demirtaş’s Letter Regarding the KCK Operations
Dear Mr Hasan,
It is difficult to understand the process without knowledge of the political developments within
the KCK operations which started in April 14th 2009 and have continued until today without
interruption. Therefore, the political developments of the last couple of years must be briefly
reminded.
1-Before the arrest of Ocalan, he had been in a quest for of a “Kurdish Nation-State”, but whilst
he was in Imrali Prison, with the purpose of an “organization of democratic society” he
developed his thesis and focused on “confederal” and “autonomous” society and state models.
2-Between the years of 1999-2004, PKK declared an indefinite cease fire and took its armed
elements out of the Turkey. (In fact, PKK abolished itself and declared that it had finished with
its armed struggle. At that time KADEK and then KONGRA-GEL were formed as the
representatives of the unarmed struggle instead of the PKK). Within this time period, some
meetings had taken place with Imrali and Kandil on behalf of the State but because the AKP was
not dominant within the State, it was understood that these meetings had not been carried out
under the control of the AKP. Eventually, the meetings did not yield any results and the PKK
took the decision of re-founding and rebuilding itself and declared the “new” PKK. But as a
civilian congress, KONGRA-GEL has not annulled itself and has pursued its existence until
today.
3-When it came to 2005, the PKK restarted the armed struggle after declaring that the meetings
had been held on the sole purpose of stalling and eliminating the PKK. However, there has not
been any change of the strategic goals of the PKK. In other words, PKK adhered to the program
of the previous strategic period based on the “organization of confederal society and autonomy”
instead of an independent nation state solution.
4-At that time in 2005-2006, in order to carry out the organization of the model of democratic
society proposed by Ocalan, the work of organization in a civilian way had started among the
Kurds. Neighborhood and city assemblies were being formed under the name of Councils of
Free Citizens in places where the grassroots were powerful. The main aim of this was to
organize a society which will not get crushed under the huge power of the state (and actually all
the institutional power including the municipalities). According to Ocalan this is the strongest
guaranty after taking away the weapons. Only an organized society can carry out its self defense
and can protect itself against all kinds of attacks.
5-In those years, DEHAP was abolished and DTP was formed. Councils of Free Citizens
obtained official association status in many places and carry out its activities within the
2
framework of the laws. As distinct from DEHAP, There isn‟t any organizational instruments like
neighborhood councils in the regulation of the DTP since society is now already organized as
Councils of Free Citizens in all the neighborhoods. The aim of the DTP is not organizing the
society in its structure, but providing the people to be organized in any way. Therefore DTP (and
since the last year BDP) have not organized the people in Neighborhood councils. (The structure
which is defined as KCK by the state today had originally started as the Councils of Free
Citizen.)
6-On the PKK‟s side, to ensure the coordination of all the organizations (both four parts of
Kurdistan and the organizations in different parts of the Europe) which are partly disconnected to
each other and also the other Kurdish movements, a new umbrella system has been established
where these organizations can protect (without scattering) their structure. Actually, KCK (Koma
Civaken Kurdistan - Kurdistan Communities Unity) was established as a system where
organizations, communities without an organization and individuals could take their part. But
this system, namely KCK, has not realized yet, even today. Contemporarily, it acts as a supreme
coordination of PKK movement. Within the framework of the KCK, I guess, there are
organizations like PKK, HPG, YJA-STAR etc. Ocalan states, in some of his meeting notes that
the KCK system can be performed in all areas (civil, political, cultural, economic etc.). With this,
he means that all the areas can be organized autonomously, federal in local and all the way
through to the top can be organized confederally. Fundamentally, this is a call for creating an
organized society. Thereby, KCK is not an organization, but is a model or a system of
organization.
7-At the very beginning between the years of 2005-2009, the state followed up these
organizations closely but never interfered since it was undesirable (!). In fact, influenced by the
moderate climate of the EU negotiation process, the state had adopted an attitude of encouragement to such kinds of civilian organizations.
8-Thereby, in 2008-2009, the organization initially known as Councils of Free Citizens have restructured themselves as city councils and neighborhood councils, and new councils have been
formed everywhere with hundreds of the people including (DTP) BDP representatives, NGO representatives, Women organizations, business organizations, journalists, lawyers and mayors
etc. DTP and BDP have also supported the establishment of these councils. The aim of the
Councils is establishing or laying the foundation of the people‟s councils in an autonomous and
free way, without dependence to any political party or organization. These councilors are elected
for neighborhood councils, each neighborhood council forms its own delegation to the city
council and each city council elects its own delegates to the Democratic Society Congress
(DTK). Undoubtedly, DTK is not only formed with the representatives of the city councils. BDP
Representatives, other party or congregations, ethnic or religious groups‟ representatives also
take their part within the DTK.
3
9-In 2008, the AKP Government started a qualitative meeting process with imrali and the PKK
in Oslo. The very first effects of the meetings resulted in timely ceasefires by the PKK. And
eventually, in the meetings which took place before the local election in 2009, in the name of
installing bilateral confidence, PKK prolonged the ceasefire until after the 29 March 2009
election. After the election they declared on the 13th of April 2009 that they prolonged the
ceasefire again. Just one day after this declaration on the 14th of April 2009, the first arrests had
been carried out in the name of the KCK Operations.
10-All the city and Neighborhood councils which had been formed as above, supported DTP in
the 2009 election, these councils carried out the election campaign themselves and DTP gained a
great victory in the election. It had been discerned by the AKP of how effective this kind of
organization model was (Particularly, During the Prime Minister‟s Diyarbakir, Tunceli, Hakkari,
Van visits, call of People‟s councils on people not to go out has been very effective and Prime
Minister‟s charisma has gone down, he was angered very much) and just after the election, the
people including the higher positioned spokespersons of these councils, DTP vice presidents who
were responsible for providing coordination to the councils were detained during the first
operation on the 14th of April 2009, Hatip Dicle who was the president of the DTK at the time
had also been detained. This is the case which is known as the main KCK case in Diyarbakir and
in which defense in Kurdish is banned.
11-The KCK name is persistently given to the case because it is aimed both at the criminalization
of the case and as this organization model‟s similarity with the KCK system. Otherwise, the
name of this structure is not KCK, besides, as I explained KCK is not the name of an
organization but the name of a model.
12-The government was very annoyed of this organization model because organization of society
even on the streets scared it. The Government declared all the structures and activities which
were legal, as illegal. The Police evaluated everything which had been procured from illegal
audio surveillance and observation activities from 2007(just before the general election) in the
framework of the criminal organization then submitted it to specially authorized prosecutors
(who are under the control of the Government). (By the way, the State has carried out the
audio surveillance and observation as from 2007; it has not annoyed anyone actually, but
whenever an unexpected result occurred and whenever an opinion regarding the Prime
Minister (State)’s authority derived, the operations started. Therefore, it is purposefully
called a “structure in parallel with the state”.)
13-As from that day until today, approximately 6300 people have been detained. The major part
of the detainees consists of members of city or neighborhood councils which are related to BDP
(sympathizer) though they are not official executive members of the BDP. Since there were
many official BDP members amongst them, they have been regarded as KCK members and
4
detained as well. Mayors, city-district chairmanships, vice-presidents etc. are delegates of these
councils.
14-This structure is a model which had been developed after the abandonment of Kurdish
Nation-state (independency) ideals. The organization of the society which is not a state is
approached by us as a warranty of democracy. It is an ingenuous indicator of the Kurds amnition
on living together with the state. It is the “democratic” part of the model which is called
„Democratic Autonomy‟. In the case of the other part, namely autonomy, is about administration
and can be realized solely by way of constitutional guaranty.
15-Eventually, the KCK operations which have been started with the initiative and decision of
the government are aiming at the elimination of the organized structures of the Kurdish People.
There can be individuals who can commit some kind of crimes amongst these structures. The
investigation of these is normal. But the declaration of an entire structure as a terrorist
organization and imprisoning even elected people is an exact opportunism. The detained people
are not illegal –but they have been turned into open targets by the government. The main purpose
of all the operations is persuading Kurdish movement to a partial solution which is foreseen by
the AKP for the Kurds and after the resolution, to dismantle any structure in existence that can
resist. The attention grabbing point is; AKP government, on the one hand, was negotiating with
KCK and Ocalan and on the other hand was continuing to put all of the civil segments into jail
with the accusation of being KCK members.
I don‟t want to go into daily political analyses, however, if there are subjects you would like to
discuss further we can talk on the phone.
Regards,
Selahattin Demirtaş
Totally : 6300 people
The alleged number by the Government is 1100. The difference between the two can be explained like this: the ministry of justice declares this number in regards to the Turkish
Criminal Code‟s articles (314-220) which are about the membership and execution of an organization. But the articles about helping an organization, propaganda, demonstration etc. are also included in the number given by us, which is true. Ultimately, it is possible to see even from the extraordinary increase of people in prisons.

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